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Starting with the ancient times, writers have used the representation of oral language as a means of identifying their characters from a sociolinguistic point of view. Since the Golden Age, literature written in Spanish has had a long tradition of representing foreign accents and dialectal speech by means of quasi-phonetic spelling and other linguistic devices. In the same tradition, prose and drama dialogues written by several writers in different parts of the Spanish speaking world in the past century are excellent representations of real or imaginary dialectal speech, as it is perceived or conceived of by these authors. In their attempts to faithfully represent a linguistic reality, some recur to what scholars call eye dialect, a technique consisting in the use of certain orthographic conventions in order to reproduce phonetic regional features. To illustrate the eye dialect technique, I have chosen two works that incorporate, each, a well known language variety of Spanish: Afro-Cuban Spanish in the play El travieso Jimmy (1959) by the Cuban writer Carlos Felipe, and Buenos-Aires Cocoliche, in the play Mateo (1923) by the Argentinian playwright Armando Discpolo. I also address the representation of the so-called Mexican-American Cal in the novel Peregrinos de Aztln (1975) by Chicano writer Miguel Mndez, which contains literary representations of language contact phenomena such as code-mixing and/or different forms of lexical, semantic and syntactic loans typical the speech of bilinguals, Finally, I focus on a situation in which, unlike in the previous ones, the author does not represent the speech of the real people on whom he models his characters, but rather re-invents, based on a multiplicity of sources, a form of speech that is in fact a synthesis of several other speeches that he has known. In this way, his dialogues become, so to speak, a sort of representation raised to the second power, insofar as they reproduce a form of speech that is in itself a representation of other forms of speech. Such is the case with the pan-Hispanic language mixture that the Spanish writer Ramn del Valle- Incln uses in his famous novel Tirano Banderas (1926).

Starting with the most ancient times, writers have used the representation of oral language as a means of identifying their characters from a sociolinguistic point of view. Suffice it to mention that today we have valuable information about Vulgar Latin thanks, among other things, to the use that writers such as Plautus, Terence or Petronius made of it in their plays. Since even before the Golden Age times, literature written in the Iberian Peninsula has had a long tradition of representing foreign accents and dialectal speech by means of quasi-phonetic spelling and other linguistic devices. For example, as a consequence of the large African population in late fifteenth century Lisbon, Portuguese writers began to incorporate literary imitations of the pidginized Portuguese spoken by Africans. Within Spain, such literary representations began to appear in the sixteenth century.
According to Lipski 1994, Afro-Hispanic literature reached its high point on the seventeenth century, being used by Lope de Vega, Caldern de la Barca, sor Juana Ins de la Cruz, Quiones de Benavente, Andrs de Claramonte, and a host of lesser -known writers (p. 97).
Even if this literature contained much stereotyping, it is apparent that, due to the degree of consistency across time and space, the phonetic and morphological traits attributed to Africans in these texts are substantially accurate (Lipski, 1994, pp. 97-98). That is why, for instance, poems by Sor Juana Ins de la Cruz, who imitated the speech of Africans in Mexico (arriving from Puerto Rico) in the 1670s, as well as other works written in seventeenth century Latin America, particularly in Colombia, Per, and Bolivia (AltoPer, at that time) are considered good sources for documenting early forms of bozal speech in the Hispanic world.
In this paper, I intend to show that, in the same literary tradition, dialogues in prose and drama written by several writers in different parts of the Spanish speaking world in the past century, are, in fact, excellent representations of real or imaginary dialectal speech, as it is perceived or conceived of by these authors in their literary dialects. In certain cases, these writers, in their attempts to faithfully represent a linguistic reality, go as far as recurring to what scholars called eye dialect, that is, a technique consisting in the use of certain orthographic conventions in order to reproduce phonetic regional features. As Frank Nuessel explains,
In the eye dialect technique, the author utilizes the standard orthography of a language to recreate specific elements of the spoken language, especially dialectal variation. Reading such passages permits the reader to hear internally the actual dialect. (2000, p. 63)
Of course, as Azevedo, 1991, points out, a literary dialect need not be entirely consistent, nor include all features of its real language counterpart, lest readers grow weary of deciphering what all that non standard spelling actually purports to represent. Competently composed literary dialect creates a suggestion of the real thing by using a minimum of deviant forms, he concludes (p. 130).
Afro-Cuban Spanish. To illustrate the eye dialect, or the literary dialect technique, I have chosen two works that incorporate, each, a well-known language variety of Spanish: Afro-Cuban Spanish in the play El travieso Jimmy by the Cuban writer Carlos Felipe, and Buenos-Aires Cocoliche, in the play Mateo by the Argentinian playwright Armando Discpolo.
According to Lipski, beginning at the turn of the nineteenth century and spanning the next hundred years, there was a rich outpouring of Afro-Hispanic language in poems, plays, songs and novels from several regions of Latin America. By far, the largest number of texts come from Cuba, where the literary representation of Africanized Spanish has been a popular motif even in recent decades. (1994, p. 108)
In the Cuban play under discussion (which obviously falls into this recent tradition), the main character, Leonelo who is revisiting his life, before dying remembers the grotesque voice, as he puts it, of a Black servant originating from Jamaica, by the name of Dolly, who played an important emotional role in his childhood and his teen years.
Dolly has lived in Cuba for about 20 years (Va pa veinte aos que a Dolly sali de su Jamaica, she says, referring to herself in the third person, as usual in some varieties of Black Spanish), and she exhibits a series of phonological and syntactic features typical to Afro-Caribbean Spanish, mixed with some residual English patterns, such as the deletion of -s and r in syllable-final position, the so-called lambdacismo (use of- l instead of -r, as in dotol), the deletion of intervocalic d-, the improper use of subjunctive and clitic pronouns, and other linguistic phenomena typical of language contact.
Here are some examples from Dollys speech (the dialectal phenomena are formatted in bold, and have a standard version next to them, in brackets):
Voz de Dolly.(Voz grotesca; su acento es el peculiar de los jamaiquinos.) Leonelo! Leonelo!
Leonelo . (Alarmado.) No! Esa no es la voz tuya! Es la voz de Dolly, la negra criada del farmacutico.
Voz de Dolly. Nio Leonelo!
Leonelo.–Qu quiere usted, seora Dolly?
Voz de Dolly.Ven [ven] t aqu. Ayud a m [aydame] a lleva [llevar] eta [esta] cesta de fruta (p.165)
Voz de Dolly.– Qu qui [quieres] t ahora?
Leonelo. –(Suplicante). Sea buena, seora Dolly..
Dolly.– No quieo [quiero] que t me pregunt [preguntes] ma[ms] lo de siempre, nio. . Se Etefan [la seora Estefana] manda a m [me manda] que te cuide.. (p.166)
Dolly.No piense m [pienses ms], nio. Qu timporta [te importa] a ti sab [saber] quin [es] tu mam?…To [todo] el mundo te qui [quiere] a ti. Sigue bueno. Vende tu toronja y la fruta que te regal [regala/ha regalado?] la sea Etefan. Y no piense m [ms]. Cuando t sea [seas] grande, si t ere [eres] nio bueno, el dotol [doctor] te va llev [va a llevar] a la farmacia, pa [para] que aprenda [aprendas] t a hac [hacer] moginges. Y no piense m [pienses ms]. .Brinca, corre, lvate lo pie [los pies] en e [el] ro y no piense m(p.167)
Dolly.– Quin que ve una fl [flor] en la piedra dun [de un] camino se le ocurre pregunt [preguntar] que quin la hizo? Di [Dios].Di lace to [lo hace todo]. El m [es ms?]Lo fuego [los fuegos] en la nube [las nubes], nel atardec [en el atardecer], cuando papa s [pap sol] se va a dorm [dormir]. Lo lucero clavao [los luceros clavados] en la noche: tolace [todo lo hace] Di.Quin hizo a la Dolly tan sandunguera y tan namor [enamorada]? Di. Di tzo [te hizo] a ti tambin(p.168)
Dolly.–Dgame si no et mej [est mejor] con la cintaz,[cinta azul], su cintaz de terceipelo, anud [anudada] bajo la barbilla de rosa de nia Lila.
Estefana.Ya no se usan esos nudos bajo la barbilla.
Dolly.A nia Lila quedarle [le queda] bien, qu [que es] lo princip [principal] (p.173)
Cocoliche and lunfardo. Mateo (grotesco en tres cuadros ) belongs to a dramatic genre very much in fashion in the first half of the past century in Buenos Aires, called grotesco criollo, which Irene Prez defines as pieza breve, de espacio urbano, que a travs de situaciones cmicas, desnuda una realidad trgica (p. 83). The tragic reality alluded to, in this play, appears to derive from the impossibility to integrate into the Argentine society of a large number of immigrants from Europe, in particular Italy, that produced deep economic, social and demographic changes in particular in the Buenos Aires area, starting with the 1880s. At the linguistic level this is reflected in the fact that, in Mateo, the elderly characters, who were part of that massive Italian immigration to Buenos Aires alluded to above, use Cocoliche, a mixture of Spanish and Italian, while their children and grandchildren, who have managed to assimilate into the Argentine society, speak a Buenos Aires Spanish not much different from that of the natives, while maintaining only some residual (mostly passive) knowledge of Italian. Cocoliche, defined by Barrios as un continuo de posibilidades lingsticas que oscilan entre un polo espaol y un polo italiano, segn la situacin comunicativa planteada y segn el dominio que cada hablante tenga del espaol (1996, p.85), served as an ethnic maker for this immigrant population, distinguishing it as a whole from the society that received them, and also distinguishing several generations inside the immigrant community itself. As Barrios, 1996, wrote,
el cocoliche unifica lingsticamente a los italianos, desde la perspective de la sociedad receptora, y oficia como un marcador (diferenciador) fuerte entre los miembros mismos de la colectividad (es decir, ya entre padres e hijos). (p. 85)
In Mateo, for example, Don Miguel and Doa Carmen use such Italianized forms as aspera (for espera), va col (for con el) vestido que tiene, el corraln tampoco lho (for lo he) pagado, quisto no (por esto no), or they recur directly to Italian expressions such as: aiuto, aiuto (for socorro ), tu si nu mal amigo (for t eres un mal amigo), tata (for pap), and Mequele (for Miguel). Meanwhile, the youngsters use the typically porteo voseo, with oxiton verb forms and deleted final -s, as in: sos sonso, vo?;vo sentate, no llams la atencin, mixed with lexical elements of lunfardo, as in: no hay ma morfi (for ya no queda comida), also including the well-known strategy of inverting syllables typical of vesre (Mateo is in fact a horse, and he is referred to as llobaca, for caballo).
Here is a typical passage in which one can clearly see (formatted in bold) the mixture of Spanish and Italian in the speech of the family patriarch, his wife, and one of their friends, who is an undertaker.
Severino.–Sabe quin ha muerto ayere [Sp.ayer/It.ieri]?
Severino.Cump Anyulino [Compadre Angelino]
Doa Carmen.–Oh, pobrecito!
Miguel.–Y de qu?
Severino.–Na bronca-neumona [una bronconeumona]. (Triste.) Lo hemos llevado a la Chacarita. Yo iba al fnebre. (Despectivo.) Con dos caballos nada ms.
Doa Carmen.–Oh, qu pena, qu pena! (Tiene lgrimas ya.)
Miguel.Mejor para l; ya est tranquilo. (Silencio.)
Severino.–.Sabe quin ha muerto el sbado?
Doa Carmen. –Otro?
Severino. Una hija de Mastrocappa.
Doa Carmen.–Oh, poveretta! [It. for pobrecita]
Severino.Vente ao [Sp.Veinte/It.venti/ aos]. Tubercolosa [tuberculosa] .(Don Miguel ya est fastidado.) La hemos llevado a la Chacarita, tambin. (Despectivo.) A un nicho, al ltimo piso, all arriba. (Silencio.) Hoy voy a la Recoleta. Ha muerto el teniente cura de la parroquia.
Doa Carmen.–Vrgine Santa [ It. for Virgen Santa]! E [It. for y] de qu?
Miguel.De un acchidente [accidente, pronounced like in Italian, with a voiceless palatal affricate] !
Severino.No. A [It.da for de] un choque de automvil.
Miguel.–Ah s? Me gusta, estoy contento! Mata, aplasta, revienta, no perdona ni al Patreterno [Sp.padre/It. patre eterno]! Me gusta.
Severino (sin inmutarse). En medio menuto [minuto] ha entregado el rosquete [Lunfardo for morir ]. Se muere la gente a montones. Da miedo. Ayer a la Chacarita entraron ciento cincuenta cadveres. Ante [antes] de ayer, ciento cuarenta y cuatro(Doa Carmen llora moviendo la cabeza.) Ante de ante de ayere
Miguel (sealndole a la vieja). -EhSeverinono cuente ms!…
Severino.–Qu? Le hace mal efecto, doa Crmene? Eh, la vida es as. Todo tenemo [todos tenemos] que ermenar [terminar] all. Maana ust.pasado maana l, dentro de muchos aos yo, .pero todostodos
Doa Carmen.– Cuanto m tarde mejore [Sp.mejor/It.migliore], don Severino. (pp. 40-41)
At the surface, the language mixture produces a comical effect , but it also has a deeper and sadder meaning. As Milton Azevedo noted, Cocoliche was widely used by playwright Armando Discpolo to highlight the plight of unassimilated immigrants who find the linguistic hybridization that brands their speech as impossible to overcome as the social alienation of their subaltern position (2002, p. 109). Indeed, as this author claims, as a stylistic device, literary dialect operates primarily on the contrast between nonstandard varieties and the standard language in which most mainstream literature is written. The interest [of such stylistic device] he continues derives from what the interplay of prestigious and non-prestigious speech discloses about relationships between language and power, marginalization and social exclusion, and the role of language variation in the formation and maintenance of social hierarchies and cultural ideologies (2002, p. 506). This is certainly the case with the two works briefly analyzed above.
Code-mixing and cal. On the other hand, there has been a recent surge in interest in the literary representation of language contact phenomena such as code-mixing and/or different forms of lexical, semantic and syntactic loans in the speech of bilinguals. That is why I have also chosen to briefly analyze the representation of the so-called Mexican-American cal in the novel Peregrinos de Aztln (1975) by the Chicano writer Miguel Mndez. According to Garca, 2005, cal, an originally in-group, criminal dialect of Romany, evolved into the Spanish based cal jergal of the nineteenth century, which later helped to create the Pachuco cal of the South Western area of the United States (p.800). Garca warns that although the term is often used casually by the general Mexican-American population as synonymous with slang, the fact that slang can be influenced by a number of factors, of which true cal is only one, would argue for the semantic specialization of this term (p.802). Based on the fact that, according to recent studies, the Spanish-speaking gangs and prison populations if the United States still use in-group argots containing words and wordplay that are characteristic of the cal of Spain and the Americas, this author concludes that cal ,is not simply a Spanish vernacular or an informal type of Spanish, nor is it the slang of the Spanish-speaking population as a whole, but rather a specialized, in-group secret argot with origins in the bilingualism of Spanish gypsies, used historically to hide meaning from authorities (2005, p. 802).
Here is a dialogue, extracted from the novel under consideration, between two teenager pachucos from the Southwestern part of the United States, in which one can find the typical vocabulary of this argotic variety (which includes, as mentioned, elements of the Gipsy cal spoken in Spain and brought to America via Mexico, like de buti, for example ) mixed with English unassimilated loans and hybrid syntactic constructions, such as hice save (for I saved) and ha hecho used drive (for have you driven), where the English verb is inflected by means of the Spanish auxiliary haber. Passages of particular interest are formatted in bold, and a loose translation, in Spanish or English, is provided, in some cases, in parenthesis.
–Ese bato [muchacho]. La raya ust [se da cuenta usted], carnal [hermano], que con el summer [Engl. for verano] se acaban las chingas [los problemas]? Nel, Chaleco [no, ni modo]! Sabes qu, camita [camarada]? Con la lana [el dinero] que hice save [guard, from Engl. to save] me voy a dar el manazo [I am going to have fun] a con una huisita muy cuerote[ a very pretty girl].
–A m me sale sweat [Engl. for sudor] como si juera [fuera] veneno, pal recle [en seguida] se pudren las lisas, los tramados [the shirts and the pants]. Pos [pues] de dnde, carnal, le sale tanto sudor a uno?
–A esta chavala [muchacha] se [yo] la huach [vi] en el borlo [baile] y este bato que le ca de a madre [le ca muy bien], guy [Engl. for to], rale [Exclamation conveying aceptance, encouragment, etc], que vamos a echarnos un cfiro [we are going t to have some coffee ] Chale![exclamation of surprise] No le hago al chanate [no me apetece el caf s]. Pos [pues] al refn, sa [let go eat, you]; y qu me va diciendo la cabrona huisita [the damn girl]: Sabes qu? Crtate tu relajo, chavalo [cut it, man] no sea que te metas en trouble [Engl. for problemas].
–El winter [Engl. for invierno] no me da de alazo [?], carnal; le tengo escame de a buti [le tengo mucho miedo]; con la escarcha[cold weather], camarn[camarada], te pones como un rooster [Engl. for gallo] ruco [viejo].T sabes. se?[Hey, you!] No ha hecho ust drive[no ha manejado usted] pa[para] la lechuga en Wilcox[=a street in Los Angeles]?
–Pos [pues] esta huisa me huachaba [esa chica me miraba] y me pelaba el tooth [Engl. for diente; the whole sentence means me sonrea] ; simn lin que le caigo suave. Al alba, sa [be careful, you!]! Vamos a tirar chancla [we are going to dance]. rale pues, a ponerle[lets go for it].. Orita me retacho [ahora me arreglo], batos. Voy a pesar el buen algodn y a colectar la feria [Engl. to collect; the whole sentence means voy a cobrar el dinero].
–Simn [OK], se, pa ponerle a la bironga [cerveza]. Qu (sic!) no?
–rale! (p.48).
What is interesting to note is that this author seems to echo Azevedos claim about the role of nonstandard language in conveying the power struggle between the mainstream society and the marginalized social groups, to which it gives voice. Miguel Mndez explains, in the preface to his novel, that the intended to use only elegant words, but that ugly and deformed words rebelliously rushed under his pen, and forced him to use them, because they were la fiel expresin de las mayoras and their mission was contar el dolor, el sentimiento y la clera de los oprimidos (1975, p.8). In the end of his foreword, the author gives the reader the following advice: Lee este libro, lector, si te place la prosa que me dicta el hablar comn de los oprimidos; de lo contrario, si te ofende, no lo leas, que yo me siento por bien pagado con haberlo escrito desde mi condicin de mexicano indio, espalda mojada y chicano (p. 10). As far as I am concerned, I certainly think this novel is worth reading for its documentary value, among many other things, and should not offend anyone who is truly interested in the realistic use of language, on all of its registers and socio-geographical varieties.
A fictitious pan-Hispanic language. Finally, let us consider a situation in which, unlike in the previous ones described above, the author does not represent to the best of his ability the speech of the real people on whom he models his characters, but rather re-invents, based on a multiplicity of sources, a form of speech that is in fact a synthesis of several other speeches that he has known. In this way, his dialogues become, so to speak, a sort of representation raised to the second power, insofar as they reproduce a form of speech that is in itself a representation of other forms of speech.
Such is the case with the pan-Hispanic language mixture that the Spanish writer Ramn del Valle- Incln uses in his famous novel Tirano Banderas (first published in 1926), which is set in an imaginary Latin American country, la Repblica de Santa Trinidad de Tierra Firme, whose geography the author had to invent, as he explained in letter to Alfonso Reyes, in order to be able to achieve his literary design of creating a language that is una suma de modismos americanos de todos los pases de lengua espaola, desde el modo lpero al modo gaucho. Or, as Montolo Durn called it, una lengua sin barreras, un supraespaolque transgrede y demistifica las convenciones oficiales y pone en solfa todas las divisiones cannicas entre dialectos y registros (1992, p. 113).
Valle-Incln was both praised and criticized for his treatment of Latin-American Spanish in this novel: the majority of his critics were thrilled by his prodigious verbal creativity and the originality of his pan-Hispanic approach to lexicon, but some blamed him for the lack of dialectal authenticity of his dialogues. To those critics, Sperratti-Piero responded by saying (and I share her opinion) that
nos apartaramos de su actitud literaria si nos colocramos frente a Valle con cerradas exigencias filolgicas. En su habla de Amrica, slo debemos ver un instrumento forjado de realidad y fantasa con que un artista cumple su intencin fundamental. (1957, p. 110)
It is precisely this artistic instrument made up of reality and fantasy that I am interested in touching upon in the final part of this paper.
Pedro Henrquez Urea once famously said that Tirano Banderas es una Amrica en sntesis (histrica, geogrfica, psicolgica, pero sobre todo idiomtica). Indeed, as Daz Migoyo explains, No se trata de que en la novela exista una mezcla de hablantes de distintas regions hispanas, cada uno de ellos fiel al idioma de su grupo, sino de que la mezcla de hablas se encuentra en boca de cualquiera de ellos y a veces en una misma frase. Ningn personaje tiene una lengua de origen reconociblemente real. Todos en cambio tienen, en una u otra medida, un mismo lenguaje imaginario, el de Tierra Firme o tierrafirmeo, que no es ni castellano ni mexicano ni argentine ni ningn otro dialecto hispnico conocido (1985, p.172). Of course, under careful scrutiny, experts have been able to trace back the origins of the Latin-American vocabulary used in this novel mainly to Mexico (a country which the writer visited twice, in 1892 and in 1921), but also to different countries in South America (Argentina, Chile , Paraguay, Uruguay and Bolivia, which he visited in 1910), and even to Central America, which he never visited; and then he added his own lexical creations based on existing Latin-American words, such as the adv. chingadamente, for instance.
But this is less important, after all; what is important, literary speaking, is that Valle-Incln achieves this synthetic language by modulating it like in music, emphasizing certain salient features and omitting others that would otherwise be required in a dialectological or sociolinguistic analysis. As Speratti Pieiro explains, El vocabulario empleado por Valle-Incln tiene .una alta proporcin de mexicanismos, pero la hbil trabazn de voces y frases, y la no menos hbil seleccin de formas agudamente caracterizantes en lo que respecta a las regiones menos representadas en este aspecto, es lo que provoca en el lector la vigorosa impresin de sntesis (1957, p.112-113). To put a single example, the mixture of voseo (which is unknown in Mexico, with the exception of two states bordering with Guatemala) with such typical Mexican words as chingada, mero mero and compadrito, as in so chingada! or Compadrito, cudame vos del ruano, says it all.
Here are two passages from the novel, illustrative of this pan-Hispanic speech in the mouth of Valle-Inclns characters:
–!Ay, hija, djame un rayito de esperanza! Si me lo autorizases, pedira un botella de chichi. No me decepciones. La llevaremos a casa y me inspirar para terminar el vals que dedico a Generalito Banderas.
–Taitita, quers vos poneros trompeto!
–Hija, necesito consolarme.
Zacaras levant su botella y llen los vasos de la nia y el ciego:
–Jalate no ms. La cabrona vida slo as se sobrelleva. Qu se pas con la chinita? Fue denunciada?
–Qu chance!
–Y la denuncia la hizo el gachupn chingado?
—Para no comprometerse.
–!Est bueno! Al Seor Peredita dejtelo vos de mi mano. (p.94)
And here is another short excerpt:
Zacaras desat la punta del poncho y en la palma del campero, moneda a moneda, cont la plata.
–Amigo, nos vemos!
–No vos caminars mero mero, sin mojar el trato?
–Mero mero, amigo. Me urge no dilatarme.
–Vaya chance!
–Tengo que restituirme a mi pago. Queda en palabra que trincaremos en otra ocasin. Nos vemos, amigo! (p.95)
To conclude, this paper has shown that literary dialects reflect authentic, but also imaginary speech varieties in this case, from the Hispanic world, but this claim can be easily extended to literary dialogues written in other languages contributing thereby to the representation of the reality filtered through the artists eyes and ears. But this reality is also symbolic or emblematic, insofar as it emphasizes the alterity of the divergent speech, with all the implications of socio-cultural prestige or lack of it, and the consequently unequal balance of powers.
To quote one more time Azevedo (2002),
Literary dialect does not seek to replicate speech, but rather to emulate it through a strategy of foregrounding specific features, mimetically generating a heteroglossic discourse to evoke orality, thus actualizing a bakhtinean view of the fiction text as a medium for bringing together a plurality of socio-ideological voices. Furthermore, as it uses socially stigmatized speech and subverts not only grammatical norms but also proper usage, literary dialect implicitly questions the purism that lies at the foundation of linguistic normativism, and in doing so it provides a voice for socially marginal characters, while creating the kind of parodic effect Bakhtin labeled carnivalesque (p. 510).

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Nuessel, F. (2000). Linguistic approaches to Hispanic literature. Brooklyn, Ottawa & Toronto: LEGAS.
Prez, I. (2008). El grotesco criollo: Discpolo-Cossa. (2nd ed.). Buenos Aires: Colihue.
Polkinhorn, H., & Velasco, A. (Eds.). (2011). Cal: A dictionary of Spanish barrio and border slang. New York: Junction Press.
Salgus Cargi, M. (1973). Tirano Banderas: Estudio crtico analtico Jaen: n.p.
Smith, V. (1971). Tirano Banderas. London: Grant & Cutler/Tamesis Books.
Soldevila-Durante, I. (1988). El lxico de Valle-Incln: Estado de la investigacin y contribucin a su estudio. Dilogos hispnicos de Amsterdam, 7, 3-18.
Speratti Piero, E. S. (1957). La elaboracin artstica en Tirano Banderas. Mxico: El Colegio de Mxico.
Valle-Incln, R. del (1968). Tirano Banderas: Novela de tierra caliente (7thed.). Madrid: Espasa Calpe.


1. Bozal is, originally, an African slave who spoke an European language with great difficulty (Klee & Lynch, 2009, p. 89).
2. This play won, in Cuba, the Premio Nacional de Teatro in 1949, and premiered in 1951 (staged by Patronato del Teatro).
3.Mateos premiere was in Buenos Aires, in 1923.
4.For more information about the Caribbean Spanish in general, and Afro-Hispanic speech in particular, see in addition to Lipski (1994, 2005) Cotton & Sharp (1988), Klee & Lynch (2009), and Nuessel (1982), who analyzes many features typical of Caribbean speech in Tres tristes tigres, by the well-known Cuban writer Guillermo Cabrera Infante.
5.Note the insistent repetition of the pronoun t, which is unnecessary in Spanish, but may be due to an influence of English, where the subject pronoun is mandatory.
6.For information about this period of the Argentine history, see Fontanella de Weinberg, 1987, where, among other things, it is mentioned that Buenos Aires population grew from two hundred eight six thousand inhabitants in 1880 to two million two thousand fifty four in 1930.
7.The term Cocoliche derives from the name of an Italian gaucho who spoke Spanish very badly and was a character in the play Juan Moreira, presented in Buenos Aires in 1890 (Klee & Lynch, 2009, p.186). For the main features of Cocoliche, see, in addition to Fontanella de Weinberg (1987) and Klee & Lynch (2009), Cotton& Sharp (1988) and Lipski (1994, 2005). These works, with the exception of Klee & Lynch, whose focus is different, contain also a detailed description of Buenos Aires porteo- Spanish in general.
8.Lunfardo should not be confused with cocoliche, insofar as the former, unlike latter, was originally an argot of the underworld, which originated in the 1870 in Buenos Aires, among criminals, but later, at the beginning of the past century, penetrated in the colloquial speech of the Argentinian capital, where is it still very much in fashion (Fontanella de Weinberg, 1987). According to Lipski (1994), In modern times, lunfardo has lost many of its ethnolinguistic connotation, to embrace all evolutionary products of popular speech in Buenos Aires, including youth and student slang and sporting jargon (p. 176).
9.Vesre comes from revs, and is the result of a process of methatesis, such as: caf>feca, tango>gotn, etc. According to Azevedo (2009), it sometimes fulfills a mitigating function for offensive words, as in gordo>dogor, culo>luco, pedo>dope (p. 301).
10.This idea is present also in previous work of Azevedo on the topic of literary dialects. In his 1991 study, for instance, he considers that Juan Mars, the author of El amante bilinge, highlights the sociolinguistic conflict between Catalan and Spanish in Catalonia by using atypical spelling to represent the speech of immigrants from Southern Spain (p. 126).
11.See, for instance, in this regard works by Brki (2003, 2008), which address the issue of code-switching between English and Spanish in literary works created in the United States by writers of Mexican and Puerto Rican descent.
12.For the US cal, see Azevedo (2009), and Cotton & Sharp (1988). There are also several dictionaries of this language variety; for instance, in addition to Galvn & Tescher (1977), Polkinhorn & Velasco (2011) recently reached its third revised edition.
13.In an interview with G. Martnez Sierra (quoted in Daz Migoyo, 1985, p. 172), Valle- Incln said: En Tirano Banderas hay, adems, la voluntad literaria de sumar al castellano castizo el vocabulario creado en la Amrica espaola. Claro que para esto me ha sido necesaria la invencin de una repblica con geografa imaginaria.
15.For instance, Salgus Cargil (1973) writes: Desde el punto de vista tcnico, al novela puede ser considerada un ejercicio del lenguaje del autor. Es una estilizacin muy personal del habla fundida y refundida de gran nmero de naciones latinoamericanas que parece decirnos que estas palabras, tan rechazadas por los puristas del idioma, son las que enriquecern y darn vigor al lenguaje que se habla en la Pennsula. Estos americanismos y la manera de usarlos constituyen uno de los mayores aciertos de la novela. Entre ellos predominan los mejicanismosMxico era el pas al que Valle estaba ms ligado–, argentinismos, modismos peruanos, bolivianos, chilenos, centroamericanos, etc. El escritor utiliza toda la jerga que haba escuchado en sus distintos viajes al continente americano y, a este conjuno de giros exticos, le agrega su vena potica y su irona galaica para obtener as un resultado espectacular (p. 37). Smith (1971) characterized Valle-Inclns language in Tirano Banderas as an elegant and well-assembled pastiche (p. 78). Likewise, Baamonde Traveso (1993) praises the dialogues in the novel for their colloquial tone: Podemos decir que los dilogos de Tirano Banderas, cuidadosamente construidos, sugieren al lector la impresin de lenguaje hablado, captado con toda la riqueza de voces (p. 146).
15.For the study of the lexicon in Valle-Inclns works, including this novel, see Soldevila-Durante, 1988.
16.The most comprehensive study in this regard, in spite of being half a century old, is still Speratti Piero (1957). See, in particular, the third Appendix of the book, which contains a detailed Glosario of all the American words used in the novel.
17.As Brki (2008) points out, la representacin de la oralidad en la literatura se mueve en dos ejes distintos: tienden a ser realistas o simblicas. Son realistas las que movilizan ciertos rasgos lingsticso con el objetivo de que las variedades representadas sean reconocidas por el lector. Entendemos por representaciones simblicas o emblemticas aquellas que, por el contrario, apuntan a subrayar el carcter de otredad de la variedad protagonizada, movilizando sobre todo valores agregados tale somo la adscripcin tnica y cultural, el prestigio, el desprestigio, el poder, la marginalizacin, etc. (pp. 41- 42).

Domnita Dumitrescu
Professor of Spanish Linguistics
College of Arts and Letters
Department of Modern Languages and Literatures
King Hall D -3086
(323) 343- 4235
Fax (323) 343-4234 or (323) 343-2670

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